Index

Administrative Justice in the Age of Artificial Intelligence

Janina Boughey

The rapid development of generative Artificial Intelligence (AI) in the last few years has transformed the nature and pace of work in many sectors. Many of these transformations seem overwhelmingly positive. AI can, for instance, apparently improve the accuracy and speed of medical diagnosis and accelerate medical research. It can transcribe, translate, and caption meetings, improving accessibility and participation, and decreasing the workload involved in record-keeping. Other uses of AI have been controversial, for a host of reasons. For example, students’ use of Large Language Models (LLMs) to do their school and university assignments has led to widespread concerns about ‘cognitive surrender’ – that is, students failing to develop required knowledge or skills in research, writing, and critical thinking. LLMs have also drastically increased the workload of many courts, tribunals, and complaints-handling bodies. …

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The Constitution, Reform, and Public Engagement

Paul Kildea

My first contact with the Gilbert + Tobin Centre of Public Law (the Centre) was as an undergraduate law student in 2001. The University of New South Wales Faculty of Law (as it was then called) had just recruited a new professor by the name of George Williams, and he was looking for students to enrol in an internship course. …

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Native Title in the Twenty-First Century

Sean Brennan

In Mabo v Queensland (No 2) (1992) 175 CLR 1 (Mabo (No 2)), the High Court of Australia said that under defined conditions Indigenous property rights that long pre-dated the arrival of British colonists could be recognised in the present day as ‘native title’. That inflection point in Australian law and society was about a decade old when the Gilbert + Tobin Centre of Public Law (the Centre) was established, and the law of native title was about to undergo a phase of judicial retrenchment in the High Court. ….

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The Expanding Role of Human Rights Law in Public Law Proceedings: Chief Executive, Dept of Environment, Science and Innovation v Nagana Yarrbayn Wangan and Jagalingou Cultural Custodians [2026] QCA 7

Hannah Bowcock

‍If a practitioner does not self-identify as a ‘human rights lawyer’, it is tempting to disregard developments in human rights jurisprudence as irrelevant to legal practice. A working understanding of the human rights legislation in force in the Australian Capital Territory, Victoria and Queensland is, nonetheless, an important part of the legal practitioner’s toolkit. ….

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Closing the Enforcement Gap: Constitutional Preconditions for Effective Medicare Law

Margaret Faux and Bruce Topperwien

The preceding posts in this series establish two propositions. First, that the Australian Constitution, and in particular s 51(xxiiiA), constrains the Commonwealth’s capacity to impose blunt price controls on medical practitioners by prohibiting ‘civil conscription’. Secondly, that the existing statutory framework governing Medicare already contains the legal architecture necessary to regulate billing conduct, control excessive charging and prevent fraudulent claims.

This third post addresses the question that necessarily follows: if the legal framework already exists, why has unlawful billing conduct, particularly hidden fees and other forms of fraud, persisted?

The answer is not doctrinal but institutional. It lies in a structural enforcement vacuum which, unless addressed, renders both existing law and any proposed reform ineffective.

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Working with The Constitution: Rethinking Medicare Safety Nets to Control Costs

Margaret Faux and Bruce Topperwien

In our first post in this series, we examined a structural feature of Australia’s health financing system that is frequently overlooked in public debate: the Constitution protects the autonomy of medical practitioners.

Section 51(xxiiiA) empowers the Commonwealth to fund medical services through Medicare, but it does so subject to an important limitation. Laws providing such benefits must not amount to ‘civil conscription’. The High Court has consistently interpreted this constraint as preserving the voluntariness of medical practice, including the freedom of practitioners to determine the terms on which they provide services and to contract privately with patients.

This constitutional setting has practical consequences. It explains why governments cannot simply impose direct price controls on medical fees, even in the face of sustained concern about rising out-of-pocket costs. As we outlined in our previous post, attempts to do so risk constitutional invalidity, as well as broader destabilising effects within the health system.

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The Commonwealth’s Power to Regulate Medical Fees: Constitutional Limits and Contemporary Pressures

Margaret Faux and Bruce Topperwien

As Australians grapple with escalating out-of-pocket medical expenses, constitutional law has re-entered the policy conversation. The Federal Health Minister has publicly signalled an intention to address egregious specialist charging practices, including foreshadowing potential constitutional reform if necessary.

The political instinct is understandable. But before constitutional levers are pulled, we suggest it is necessary to consider what the Constitution provides, the limits it imposes and the structural consequences of pressing against them.

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The Government is not the same as us: eSafety Commissioner v Baumgarten [2026] FCAFC 12

Janina Boughey

When a government official tells you to do something, the instruction carries significantly more weight than when another person, without the cloak of government authority, issues the same instruction. If I tell a stranger not to smoke in a public place, they are very unlikely to stop smoking. For although I may be right about the harmful effects of their habit, I have no authority (at least in that context). But if the government puts up a ‘no smoking’ sign, or if a uniformed police officer, or, frankly, anyone in an official government uniform with perceived authority in the situation—such as a lifeguard on a beach or firefighter in the vicinity of a fire—tells a person to stop smoking, a fair number of people will obey. Certainly not all. But many, many more than if an ordinary member of the public issues the same command. This is so irrespective of whether the government official issuing the direction has actual legal authority to do so. Whether or not there is a law prohibiting smoking at that place, if the person issuing the order is perceived to have legal authority, then they are, in practice, exercising their special powers as a government official. And they ought to be treated as such and subject to public law accountability for the way they do so.

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When is it illegal to attend a protest? Contempt of court and unlawful assembly following Commissioner of Police v Naser

Henry Chen and Cherry Tang

In this post, we challenge the comments made by the NSW Court of Appeal about the potential criminal consequences of an order ‘prohibiting’ a protest under s 25 of the Summary Offences Act 1988 (NSW) (Summary Offences Act) in Commissioner of Police (NSW Police Force) v Naser [2025] NSWCA 224 (Naser).

On 1 October 2025, Palestine Action Group notified NSW Police of their intention to hold a protest for 40,000 people at the Sydney Opera House on 12 October 2025, after ‘two years of genocide’ in Gaza (Opera House protest). In response, NSW Police applied to the Court of Appeal for a prohibition order, which the Court ultimately granted.

The proposed Opera House protest followed an earlier protest organised by Palestine Action Group on 3 August 2025 on the Sydney Harbour Bridge (Harbour Bridge protest), at which protesters enjoyed legal immunity from offences relating to unlawful assembly or obstruction after Rigg J refused to make a prohibition order sought by NSW Police: Commissioner of Police v Lees [2025] NSWSC 858 (Lees). While the expected turnout at the Harbour Bridge protest was estimated at 10,000 and later revised to 50,000, the protest was ultimately attended by up to 90,000 people (according to NSW Police) or 300,000 people (according to Palestine Action Group).

The Harbour Bridge protest was halted mid-way and turned around for reasons of public safety. Following the protest, Assistant Commissioner Peter McKenna reflected that while the police operation was a success in that no one was hurt, ‘gee whiz, I wouldn't like to try and do this every Sunday at that short notice.’

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AN0M in the High Court – CD v Commonwealth [2025] HCA 37

Rohan Balani

‘Operation Ironside’ was one of the largest covert investigations by the Australian Federal Police (AFP) alongside overseas law enforcement authorities, into transnational and serious organised crime. The operation sounds like something straight out of a Hollywood movie. Operation Ironside involved the distribution of 921 mobile telephone devices throughout Australia between October 2018 and June 2021 which had installed on them an application known as ‘AN0M’. When users composed a message on the ANOM application and pressed ‘send’ to transmit the message to the intended recipient, a separate second message was created (which contained a copy of the first message alongside additional metadata) which was, unbeknownst to the sender, made available on a server accessible by the AFP (AN0M messages). Between October 2018 and June 2021, approximately 28 million AN0M messages were sent to the AFP server, leading to almost 1,000 arrests and 400 offenders being charged with offences. The AFP accessed the AN0M messages under warrants issued under the Surveillance Devices Act 2004 (Cth) and the Crimes Act 1914 (Cth).

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